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AGAINST THE COURSE PURSUED 



BY THE 



EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE, 



1 



ON THE SUBJECT OF 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 



Nero ^0rk: 



WILLIAM HARNED, 5 SPRUCE STREET. 

1847, 



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PROTEST AND REMONSTRANCE. 



TO THE CHRISTIAN ABOLITIONISTS OF GREAT 
BRITAIN AND IRELAND WHO MET AT FREE- 
MASONS' HALL, LONDON, AUGUST 19, 1846, TO 
FORM AN EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE. 

The Protest and Remonstrance of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the American and Foreign Anti- Slavery 
Society against the course pursued hy them on the 
question of American Slavery, 

Beloved Friends: 

We have learned that measures are in progress, both 
in your country and in ours, to give an imposing and 
permanent influence to the doings of the Convention, 
by means of a wide-spreading and well-compacted 
organization, uniting Evangelical Christians of every 
name and nation, who agree to the doctrinal basis of 
of the Alliance. The character of the Convention it- 
self, and the nature of its transactions, impel us to a 
candid and and faithful examination of the bearing of 
the Alliance upon the system of measures which are 
in operation to effect, by moral and rehgious means, 
the peaceful and speedy abolition of American slavery. 
We cannot doubt your readiness to give an equally 
candid attention to the considerations which we feel 
bound to lay before you. 

For a longtime, we have been engaged in the Anti- 
Slavery enterprise, and in view of the many difficul- 
ties with which we have to contend, and the immense 



benefits which success cannot fail to produce, we 
consider this as the great ivork of the present age. It 
is a work which can only be accomplished through 
the power of the Gospel: no other principles are 
potent enough to overcome so mighty an evil. From 
the beginning, we have been sensible that the first 
thins: to be done, is to enhst the consciences of men 
on the side of the slave, by producing a general con- 
viction of the inherent injustice of slavery, and the 
consequent sinfulness of the act of holding a fellow- 
man in that condition. But we do not believe it pos- 
sible to produce, in any community, a general convic- 
tion of the inherent sinfulness of a practice which is 
allowed by the great body of ministers and professing 
Christians of that community. 

The great difficulty in the way of our reaching the 
public mind with convictions of the truth on this sub- 
ject is, that from the beginning of the anti-slavery en- 
terprise, it has been the settled policy of the leading 
denominations of Christians in this country to let 
slavery alone. They have acted on the policy of 
preaching the Gospel, planting churches, and adminis- 
tering the institutions of Christ, in their several modes, 
taking no notice of the existing relation of masters and 
slaves, except to employ the sanctions of religion in 
enforcing the obedience of the slave ; while they quiet 
the conscience of the master, by the assurance that 
his continuing in that relation may be consistent with 
his good stand uig as a Christian. They, indeed, for 
the most part have had an undefined hope that, by 
some means, in some distant age, the Gospel is 
to abolish slavery. But, practically, they did noth- 
ing, and aimed at nothing, towards this end. And 
the result has been that the Gospel, thus preached, 
has failed either to secure the overthrow of slavery, or 
prevent its increase ; so that now, after seventy years 



of our national existence, notwithstanding emancipa- 
tion in the northern States, the system has extended its ^ 
power, increased its arrogance, and more than quad- 
rupled the number of its victims. 

The effect of this policy has been to weaken the 
moral sense of the people in regard to the wrongful- 
ness of slavery ; and out of it has very naturally 
arisen the anxious desire, on the part of most of our 
leading ecclesiastical men, to preserve this policy, and 
not to have the question of slavery pressed upon their 
attention in such a Avay as to interrupt the union and 
harmony of their religious organizations. They pitied 
the slave for his hard lot ; they felt that slavery was an 
evil ; they desired to see it abolished ; but they would 
not hazard their " Christian union," or the " peace of the 
Church," by any efforts to free the slave. And as the 
slaveholders with whom they were connected, con- 
tinually declared, that any attempt to meddle with the 
subject of slavery would be fatal to their unity, it 
has been only by the most strenuous and determined 
means that it has ever been practicable to awaken, 
even a slight inquiry, concerning the path of Christian 
duty towards the slave. 

Yet, by the blessing of God upon the efforts of 
abolitionists, during a series of years, there has been 
a marked advance in public opinion. Among the 
influences which aided this progress, the cause was 
greatly indebted to the firnmess and fidelity of British 
Christians, in requiring from their American visitants, 
as a preliminary to the free enjoyment of Christian 
fellowship and intercourse, the assurance of their zea- 
lous adhesion to the anti-slavery cause. 

Slaveholders, and those who were resolved to 
maintain fellowship with them, saw the increasing 
rigor of this rule of our British brethren, and felt that 
a great effort was needed to rieutrahze its power. It 



was evidently necessary to produce a separation be- 
tween Christians in Great Britian and the Abohtionists 
this country. Eence in the Convention, the Ame- 
rican members pertinaciously adhered to the policy 
which has been so successful in the religious 
bodies of this country — to wit. to magnify the object 
of union, and then insist that union is impossible save 
on the condition of letting slavery alone. By doing 
this, they could at once neutralize the influence which 
British Christians were exerting against American 
slavery, and even employ that influence, as they have 
always employed the influence of a large number of 
American professors of religion, to oppose the efforts 
now made for the immediate abolition of slavery in 
this country. We do not affirm that the original 
conception of the Convention embraced this view 
The result is a matter of history ; and its effect, unless 
counteracted, will be so disastrous in its bearings on 
the Anti- Slavery cause, that a strong conviction of 
duty impels us to put forth this earnest and fraternal 
remonstrance. 

The^brethren in' Great Britainwere apprehensive that 
the meeting would be used to subserve the objects of 
slaveholders; whereupon, the "Aggregate Commit- 
tee," so early as March last, resolved that no slave- 
holder should be invited to attend the Convention ; 
and in July, the " London division" " Resolved, that 
the minute with respect to slaveholding — be put be- 
fore brethren — from all countries whose governments 
tolerate the practice." A large number of American 
members verbally protested against this action ; 
and signed a formal explanation declarative of their 
purpose and duty " to maintain intimate relations with 
" Christian slaveholders ;" and when the Convention 
itself proposed to adopt the rule of the " Aggregate 
Committee" excluding slaveholders, the American 



delegates strenously resisted it, and nearly broke up 
the Convention by their opposition. It ended, as such 
attempts have always ended in this country, by yield- 
ing to slavery all that was demanded on its behalf; to 
wit, that nothing should be done by the Convention 
in relation to it. They preserved their union by letting 
slavery alone. 

Again, when the Convention came to settle the 
terms of membership of the proposed Ecumenical Al- 
liance, there were members, who, knowing the man- 
ner in which American slavery has entrenched itself 
behind the altar, deemed it necessary that there should 
be a specific provision to guard the Alliance itself from 
being made a new stronghold for that great wicked- 
ness. A motion was therefore made to add to the 
specifications of the conditions of membership, the 
words, " not being slaveholders." The Convention 
being anxious to concede, as far as possible, to the 
views of the American brethren, modified the rule so 
as to provide that " no slaveholders, who hy their own 
fault continue such, retaining their fellow-men in slavery 
out of regard to their ov;n interests, should be received 
as members." 

This cautious modification of the testimony against 
slavery we feel bound to disapprove, because it con- 
cedes to the slaveholders the assumption with which 
they are accustomed to repel every approach to their 
conscience : " We hold the slaves solely for their 
good ;" " the laws forbid emancipation ;" " so many of 
best Christians hold slaves ;" therefore, " slavery is to be 
let alone." And it is let alone by the great body of 
professed Christians and ministers of this country; 
thus effectually employing a supposable exception to 
overthrow a great rule, and protect a giant sin against 
the slightest censure. 

But the concession failed to satisfy the American 



brethren, who, we are told, " refused an inch of com- 
promise." They, doubtless, saw the advantage they 
had already gained, and feared that their assent to 
any action whatever, against slavery, would stand in 
the way of their declared pm^pose of continuing to 
maintain their religious relations with slaveholders at 
home. They, therefore, with one or two noble excep- 
tions, united in so firm and determined a resist- 
ance, that the Convention at length gave way; and 
to appease the spirit of the American members, 
agreed to reconsider their vote and rescind everything 
they had done on the subject of slavery; thereby 
virtually admitting one of two conclusions: either 
that slavery, as it exists in the United States, is not 
such an evil in itself, nor such an obstacle to the pro- 
gress of Christianity, as to come properly under the 
cognizance of this grand Ecumenical council — or else, 
that it is an evil of such magnitude, and so incorpo- 
rated with the Christian institutions of the age, that 
the represented rehgion of the Protestant world dare 
not grapple with it. On either supposition, it is im- 
possible to regard the result in any other light than as 
an open triumph of slavery over the religious princi- 
ples of the age. 

This termination was brought about by means 
with which we in America are, alas ! but too well 
acquainted — by the very same means that have 
been used, from the beginning of the history of eman- 
cipation, to obtain for slavery all that it requires, both 
in civil and rehgious associations ; to wit, by strong 
professions of fraternal sympathy and confidence, 
accompanied with threats o^ dissolving the Union unless 
slavery is let alone. Said a very distinguished mem- 
ber of the American delegation, whose profession of 
fraternity has been most ardent, "Unless this [slavery] 
was an open question" [that is, unless slavery was let 



alone by the Convention, and the Americans left to 
act upon it without anything being said about it,] bet- 
ter let us at once dissolve." This was simply the old 
threat of disunion, with which we in America are so 
famiUar, both in religious and political matters ; and 
this threat prevailed in England, just as it has always 
prevailed in America, bringing its subjects to yield 
precisely the thing that slavery demanded, to wit, that 
slavehoiding should not be a barrier to Christian fel- 
lowship. 

Christian faithfulness requires us to say that, accord- 
ing to our honest judgment, you were misled by the 
anti-slavery professions of the American members. 
They told you they were anti-slavery men ; they uttered 
strong denunciations of the evils of slavery; they mag- 
nified the difficulties of emancipation ; they even pro- 
mised to take earnest hold of the subject of slavery on 
their return, declaring that if British Christians would 
let it alone — if the Convention would say nothing 
about it— their hands would be greatly strengthened 
to employ the power of the Gospel to overthrow 
slavery in the United States. 

Now we do not hesitate to affirm our conviction, 
that just so far as you acted under a belief of these 
assertions you were deceived. These gentlemen 
did not represent the active and effective Christian 
anti-slavery feeling of the United States. They 
were the representatives of the leading influences 
of this country, both ecclesiastical and political; 
of those classes who have endeavored to keep down 
the discussion of slavery, in all circles, on account of 
its interference with their policy and union. They 
represented that portion of the wealth, the honors, 
the learning, the benevolent societies, the leading 
denominations, who have ever used their influ- 



8 

ence against the anti-slavery movement in this 
comitry. They represented the dead weights ^which 
abohtionists have for fifteen years been trying to 
move, and which, by the blessing of God, we are 
beginning to move ; and their object was to add the 
weight of the influence of evangelical Christians 
throughout the Protestant world in favor of their let- 
alone policy. 

We believe the result will show that your confi- 
dence has been abused, if you have been led to sup- 
pose that they have come home prpared to do anything 
effectual towards making the Gospel instrumental in 
overthrowing slavery. Such as they were before 
going to your country, such they will remain, anxious 
to exculpate themselves from the suspicion of being 
favorable to slavery, but never finding how they may 
do anything against it. They would do nothing in 
the Convention, because that was not the place ; they 
will do nothing in any ecclesiastical assembly, because 
that is not the place ; they will do nothing in any 
benevolent society, because that is not the place ; 
and most of them will do nothing in the pulpit because 
that is not the place. They will do nothing religiously, 
because slavery is political ; and they will do nothing 
politically, because slavery is religious. If a meeting 
is called either of ministers and church members, or 
of citizens generally, to consider the subject of slavery, 
few of these men are ever found mingling in its coun- 
cils, or shedding the light of their wisdom on its path. 

Different parties have given very different explana- 
tions of the actual position and bearing of the final 
action of the Convention. The Rev. Dr. Reed, of 
London, deemed the proceeding so objectionable that 
he felt constrained, by a sense of duty, to withdraw 
from the Alliance on this account. In his published 



letter, he thus describes the case : " The Conference 
resolved unanhiiously, and under a strange ecstacy of 
mind, that slavery may be not only legale but right ; 
not oxilj rights but, in certain circumstances, beneficial 
even to the slave. They afterwards met to rescind 
that resolution, not, be it observed, to meet the wishes 
of a small British party, who might have thought, on 
reflection, that it yielded too much as against the 
slave ; but to satisfy a controlling party, who thought 
that it yielded too little ! And, finally, it stultified itselfj 
by agreeing to expunge its own minutes, and to per- 
suade itself and the public, that it had taken no action 
on a subject in which, in fact, it had been more deeply 
engaged than any other." 

It must be deemed unfortunate, that the Convention 
should have left its doings in a position where such a 
construction can be reasonably put on them. On the 
other hand, the Rev. Dr. Wardlaw, of Glasgow, a man 
equally venerable and equally sincere in his devotion, 
both to the objects of the Convention and to the cause 
of Emancipation, thinks the final position of the Con- 
vention the best that could be taken. He says the 
AlUance " has nothing to do with either slavery or 
slaveholders. It is uncontaminated by either ; it has 
repudiated both." It has " given no sanction to 
slavery or slaveholding." He says, " The declaration 
goes forth to the world that, in consequence of the 
existence among our trans- Atlantic brethren of these 
evils, the AUiance has been actually prevented from 
forming and settling its general organization ; that 
these evils have rendered the suspension of this mea- 
sure necessary ; that American Christianity must he 
sid)jected to trial in this particular, before British Chris- 
tianity can fully and cordially co-operate with it under 
one organization." 



10 

" The different branches of it, according to the 
existing resoUition, are, in tlieir organization and 
responsibility, entirely independent of one another. 
The American brethren, therefore, a7'e upon their trial. 
No act of theirs can become the act of the Alliance, 
without the recognition of the other branches, if, 
therefore, they are found to introduce slaveholders into 
the Alliance, in their branch of it, we are neither 
answerable for the act, nor bound by it. The repudi- 
ation of the deed will then become our duty, and 
separation from those by whom the pollution has been 
wilfully contracted." 

It cannot be denied that the Convention, in forming 
the Alliance, included as members the American 
brethren who declared their intention to hold fellow- 
ship with slaveholders ; nor that this position was 
taken for the express purpose of retaining them as 
members ; nor that they, in the final resolutions of the 
Convention, were empowered to act, with these 
known views, as the committee and representatives of 
the Convention, in constituting the American district 
organization ; nor that they act as much in the name 
and behalf, and by the authority of the Alliance, in 
forming the American organization, with slaveholders 
admitted, as the British section will, in forming the 
British organization, with slaveholders excluded ; nor 
that, to all correct intendments, their acts will stand as 
the acts of the Alliance until fully rejected, because 
they were appointed to perform these very acts with 
the knowledge that they would not cease to fellow- 
ship slaveholders as Christians in good standing. 
The Alliance, as contemplated by the final vote of 
the Convention, Avill consist in part, of those who are 
resolved, not only to maintain fellowship with slave- 
holders, but to hold the Alliance in fellowship with 
them; and these men, with this avowal, are then 



11 

empowered to go forward and form an American 
organization, on the doctrinal basis, and in accordance 
with their own views of the peculiar circumstances 
of their district. 

Sir Culling Eardley Smith, the chairman of the 
Convention, states as results of the final action of the 
Convention : 

1. " That the Conference refused to give a diluted 
testimony against slavery." 

2. " That it found it impossible to retain its testi- 
mony as it stood; but that, 

3. "It sacrificed to its sense of duty in the matter 
of slavery, the cherished idea of an immediate, 
numerous, mutually responsible Ecumenical mem- 
bership." 

This shows how potent the voice of slavery was in 
the Convention ; that, at its bidding, the most cherish- 
ed objects were abandoned, solely because they could 
not be carried out without offending the slaveholders 
and their American apologists. The Rev. Gorham 
D. Abbott, of New York, in writing the most full 
report that has been published by any American dele- 
gate, declares that the American brethren went into 
the Convention disowning the authority of the Bir- 
mingham resolutions, as of any binding force. And 
as to the final result, he declares that " The whole 
subject of slavery is left out of the constitution of the 
Alliance, and remains, with other evils with which 
the world is filled, to be relieved and ultimately reme- 
died in God's appointed way, by the progress of the 
principles of the Gospel of Christ." He also says, 
" The way is left entirely open for the American 
churches to form a corresponding Alliance for our 
own continent under the most happy auspices ;" that 
is, with the admission of slaveholders. The Rev. Dr. 
Baird, of New York, writes to the editor of the New 



12 

York Evangelist, that much good will result from the 
" discussion by the American delegates in the Con- 
vention, because, whilst all acknowledged and de- 
nounced the evils of slavery, they also denounced the 
folly, the madness, even, of foreigners, and especially 
Englishmen, interfering with the subject." Of what 
value can be union or alliance, in which one of the 
contracting parties maintains, towards the other, the 
jealousy and defiance indicated by these extracts, 
denouncing as Qnadness any attempt to interfere with 
an evil which, more than all others in Christendom, 
stands in the way of the world's conversion ? Who 
can estimate the evil that will result, if evangelical 
Christians of every name and nation, by uniting with 
such an alliance, shall testify that slaveholding, the 
embruting of the image of God, the chattelizing of 
the representatives of Christ, 'is not, and shall not he, 
a barrier to Christian fellowship ? 

We might multiply quotations in proof that the 
alliance as formed, is hailed in this country, both by 
slaveholders and those who hold fellowship with them, 
as a complete triumph of the American policy of build- 
ing up religious institutions, which shall be precluded, 
by their very constitution, from bearing an effective 
testimony against slaveholding. Believing that Ame- 
rican slavery is contrary to the Gospel, that it must be 
abolished by the right application of the principles of 
the Gospel, and that the policy hitherto pursued by a 
large portion of the ministers and churches of this 
country, not only does not tend to abolish slavery, but 
strengthens and shields the system, we are pained that 
that policy should have so far prevailed in the London 
conference, that the influence of British Christians 
should be made to give it strength. 

The final action to which the conference was driven, 
in order to keep its union with the American brethren, 



13 

who were resolved to retain their fellowship with 
slaveholders, seems to have been this : — 

1. That the Alhance, of which the foundation was 
then laid, should consist of all the members of that 
conference, who continue to adhere to the doctrinal 
basis agreed on. 

2. That the actual members from each country- 
were constituted a commission to form district organi- 
zation, in such manner as shall be most in accord- 
ance with the peculiar circumstances of each district. 

3. That no person, by uniting with a district or- 
ganization, phall be entitled to the privileges of mem- 
bership of the Alliance, except by the consent of all 
the branches, or by the vote of another General Confer- 
ence, when it shall be held. 

Under this provision, the British members have 
already executed their commission, in a meeting at 
Manchester, where they formed their district organiza- 
tion. It gives us pleasure to see that the "sober 
second thought" of British Christians has recoiled 
from apparent connivance at slavery, and that in pur- 
suance of the course adopted by the Birmingham pro- 
visional committee, they have declared that " without 
pronouncing any judgment on the personal Christi- 
anity of slaveholders, no holder of slaves shall be eligi- 
ble to membership." They have also declared in addi- 
tion to the test of " intellectual assent to the summary 
of doctrine," that no person shall be admitted unless he 
is in their judgment " a person of Christian character, 
spirit and deportment." We rejoice in this faithful tes- 
timony of British piety against slavery, and that herein 
you held fast your integrity, refusing to yield principle 
to comity. You have retrieved your error ; but what 
can be done to extricate the Alliance from its in- 
volvement, or to recover the lost opportunity of bring- 
ing its power to act in favor of emancipation ? The 



14 

American members are as fully empowered to form 
the American organization, as you were to form the 
British. If they organize on the basis of the doctrinal 
agreement settled by the Convention, " in such man- 
ner as shall be most in accordance with the peculiar 
circumstances of (their) district," slaveholders will be 
admitted. Already preUminary and explanatory 
meetings have been held to prepare the way for 
organizing the " American Alliance." In one of these 
meetings, an American member of the London Con- 
ference said he wished slaveholders would not apply 
for admission, yet, " if five hundred wicked slaveholders 
should apply, the Alliance could not exclude them." 
It is worthy of note, that, in these meetings, no 
notice has been taken of the Manchester meeting, nor 
of the resolution of the British branch to exclude all 
slaveholders. We feel an assurance that we have no 
need to exhort our British brethren never to receive 
a branch which thus lays its foundation in the blood 
of the slave ! But what then will you do ? The Con- 
vention, under which the British organization is form- 
ed, has authorized the American delegates to organize 
at their discretion, and no American organization can 
be regularly formed through any other channel. Will 
you assist to build a great Protestant Evangelical 
Alliance, with America left out ? Or will you not 
rather consent to forego your cherished hopes of an 
organized Alliance of Christian union, until that more 
auspicious period when the direct influences of the 
Gospel, which the Christian abolitionists are employ- 
ing, shall have broken the power of slavery in this 
country thus to interfere with the choicest develop- 
ments of Christian fellowship ? 

Brethren, you have wronged the down-trodden and 
oppressed, in deferring their claims to these delegates 
and such as they represent. The monster-evil of the 



15 

world requires to be met with firmer resistance. It 
can never receive its death-wound from the sword of 
the Spirit, wielded by irresolute hands. There must 
be no compromise with evil. And until those who 
are entrusted with the administration of the Gospel 
and its ordinances acquire sufficient firmness and 
faith to carry out their adopted principles, and fulfil 
their cherished designs, yielding nothing to the reli- 
gious pretensions of slavery, we cannot expect them 
efficiently to co-operate with Him whose mission was, 
" To preach deliverance to the captives, and to set at 
liberty them that are bruised." 

We see no way, brethren, of retrieving this lost op- 
portunity. The Alliance, by consenting to the policy 
of the slaveholder, and recommending to its members, 
including " American brethren,'' "to form District or- 
ganizations in such manner as shall be most in accord- 
ance with the peculiar circumstances of each district," 
failed to satisfy the exigencies of the times, and lost an 
oppoitunity, never to be recovered, of bringing its moral 
power to bear against the sin of slavery. It is better 
that no Alliance should exist, than that one should be 
built up to stand on the prostrate body of the slave, 
and act as an obstruction to the free course of the 
gospel in his emancipation. It is impossible that any 
Christian union should be established on the basis of 
a cormivance at slavery, and an agreed disregard of 
the cries of the slave. It is impossible that the Affi- 
ance thus formed, should, in its further prosecution, 
compensate for the injury it has done, and will do, to 
the cause of the Gospel in thus disregarding the cry of 
the oppressed. 

We have put forth this protest in the name and on 
behalf of that large and increasing body of zealous min- 
isters and Christian brethren, in the United States, 
whose consistent support of ail the institutions and 



16 

influences of religion falls behind that of no other class ; 
and who, at the same time, have taken the responsi- 
bility of doing, at great sacrifice, all that is lawfully in 
their power, to hasten the freedom of the slave. We 
pray you to appreciate their motives, and to do nothing 
to weaken their hands, or counteract their efforts, in the 
most vital point of their whole movement We entreat 
you to give them the benefit of your co-operation in the 
very case, of all others, where you can render most 
essential aid : to stand by the declared position of Brit- 
ish Christians, that the sin of slaveholding ought not 
to receive any countenance in the name of the Chris- 
tian religion ; and to say by your acts that you can 
acknowledge no union, and hold no intercourse, with 
any branch of the Alliance which shall swerve from 
this high and holy ground. 

ARTHUR TAPPAN, 
LEWIS TAPPAN, 
WM. JOHNSTON, 
WM. E. WHITING, 
LUTHER LEE, 
S. S. JOCELYN, 
CHRISTOPHER RUSH, 
ORANGE SCOTT, 
WM. LILLIE, 
J. WARNER, 
THEODORE S. WRIGHT, 
WM. JAY, 
SAML. E. CORNISH, 
S. W. BENEDICT, 
R. G WILLIAMS, 
ARNOLD BUFFOM. 



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